纳指突破2021年高点

我之前说过纳指于 2021 年 11 月 19 日创历史新高 16,057.44 点。纳指 100 虽然很早就突破了之前的高点，但是纳指不同于纳指 100，它只是在今天（2024 年 2 月 29 日星期四）才突破了 2021 年的历史高点。

纳指今天收盘 16,091.92 点。

BMO InvestorLine 提供的 T5 是错的

今天收到了 BMO InvestoLine 邮寄来的 T5 - Summary of Investment Income and Expense 税务文件，便立即下载了电子版存档至本地存储空间。账户显示电子版于 2024 年 2 月 24 日发出。我决定不保留纸质版，计划将其粉碎处理。然而，在进行粉碎之前，我决定核对一遍，打开电子版进行对照。结果令我大吃一惊，发现很多地方的数字不匹配。查看每月的月度结单后，发现电子版存在错误，而纸质版是正确的。真是一念之间啊。要是将电子版发给会计报税，错得大了。明天打电话给 BMO 看怎么解决了。

刚进账户里，在查找税务文件时，在税务文件列表页面看到了“Switch to online only”的提示。我真的有点不待见纸质版，为了方便起见，我选择了仅接收电子版，但在发现错误后，我立即返回账户设置，将选项改回同时接收在线电子版和邮寄纸质版。

BMO 这家银行实在是太不靠谱了。多年来我对它有各种吐槽，还有很多吐槽都不想写出来。要不是各种账户套在里面，我早走人了。

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再次检查，发现 T5 是 2022 年的，不是 2023 年的。这实在奇怪了，列表是 2023 年的，下载了 2022 年的文件。再次下载就是 2023 年的电子文件了。它是正确的。

四副扑克牌的拖拉机技巧

之前我介绍过四副扑克牌的拖拉机扑克游戏的规则，在打过很多场这个游戏后，我在知乎上找到了这篇《四副扑克牌的拖拉机技巧 (高级教材.第二版)》的文章。看得出来，作者深谙其道，总结得很好。

这里还有一篇文章列出了打拖拉机的中文术语的英文对照，我认为不是十分全，但是足够用来快速理解这篇十分详细的英文规则。

长图片分割器

文字长图片在手机上有时不得不切割。

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等分切割

将一个长图片直接水平或者垂直等分切割成多个图片，这十分容易，Irfanview 就可以实现。点击 Options 主菜单，再点 Export image tiles (split images)...，然后设定如何等分，再切割。但是，这个方法不理想。

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衔接等分切割（有重叠）

首先，手机图片的最佳显示比例是 4:3 或者 16:9。16:9 的图片拉得更长一些，是我倾向的选择。

以我的 iPhone 手机为例，手机截屏的图片的顶部和底部的宽度是 1242 pixels，如果选择 16:9，那么图片的左边和右边高度是 1242 * 16 / 9 = 2208 pixels。1242 x 2208 pixels 就是我们要的每个小图片的规格。

我们设 TB = 1242，LR = 2208。

这里，T 取 Top 的首字母；B 取 Bottom 的首字母；L 取 Left 的shou'字母；R 取 Right 的首字母。

第二，文字长图片切割后的小图片没有序号，因此各个连续页之间最好有重叠部分，也就是实现衔接。

我们假设：

长图片总高度 LEN = 11575，重叠部分的高度是 OL。

这里，LEN 取自 Length 的头三个字母；OL 取自 Overlap。

LEN / LR = 11575 / 2208 = 5.24... 向上取舍，那么小图片总数 NUM = Roundup(6)。

这里 NUM 取自 Number 的头三个字母。

那么重叠部分的个数是 NUM - 1。

重叠部分的高度 OL = (NUM * LR - LEN) / (NUM-1) = (6*2208 - 11575)/(6-1) = 334.6。

那下图来演示以下。这是一个长图片分成四个小图片的情况，A、B、C、D 分别是每个小图片的左上角。

顶部和底部的空白高度是相等的，等于 LR - OL。

中间的每一个空白的高度是相等的，等于 LR - 2 * OL。

注意：图片的坐标 y 轴是向下的。图示如下：

这样很容易算出 A、B、C、D 点的坐标。

有了 A 点的坐标，我们将其写如到一个命令行里，如下，执行该命令行，就切割出了第一个小图片。这是 Irfanview 自带的命令行，参考这个页面。

i_view32.exe c:\temp\longimage.jpg /crop=(0,0,TB,LR) /convert=c:\temp\splitimage1.jpg

写一个简单的小程序可以一次性将切割所有小图片的命令行写入到一个命令行执行文件里，执行该文件一次性完成所有小图片的切割。

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优化重叠部分

上面的衔接等分切割还是有问题。重叠部分是全部一致相等的，这个重叠部分可能很高，重叠了很多行文字。比如上面计算出来的重叠部分高度是 334.6，重叠部分是 5 行字左右。这不理想。

理想的做法是除了最后两个小图片之外，前面所有的小图片的重叠部分为两行字左右，然后倒数第二张图片与最后一张图片能重叠多少就多少。

在手机上，两行 9 号中文文字的高度在常规间距下，选择这个重叠部分高度为 150 pixels 完全可以。

同样可以计算出每个小图片的左上角的坐标，写入到命令行文件，然后执行。

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Python 小程序

Python 程序来实现上面的步骤。程序如下：

首先读入图片的尺寸。这个可以自动来完成，但是我电脑只安装了最基本的库，所以还是手工输入吧。

# Input width and height of the image
width = int(input("Enter the width: "))
height = int(input("Enter the height: "))

然后设定 overlap，建议设在 120 到 160 之间，除非字体特别大。

# Input overlap
overlap = int(input("Enter the overlap: ")) 

然后确定分割后的小图片的尺寸，采用 16:9 比例：

# width and height of the split image
tb = width
lr = math.floor(width * 16 / 9)

计算切割成多少份：

# Calculate the number of divisions
divisions = math.ceil(height / lr)

用一个函数计算出每一份的左上角的坐标：

# Calculate coordinates
division_coordinates = calculate_coordinates(height, lr, overlap, divisions)

然后将每个坐标放到每一个命令行里去，并写入到一个文件中：

# Write command lines to the file
with open("split_image.cmd", "w") as file:
    for i, (x, y) in enumerate(division_coordinates):
        output_filename = f"C:\\Users\\rrr\\Downloads\\splitimage{i + 1}.jpg"
        cmd_line = f'"C:\\Program Files\\IrfanView\\i_view64.exe" "C:\\Users\\rrr\\Downloads\\longimage.jpg" /crop=({x},{y},{tb},{lr}) /convert="{output_filename}"\n'
        file.write(cmd_line)

print("Command lines written to split_image.cmd")

就这样完成了。

计算坐标的函数如下：

def calculate_coordinates(height, lr, overlap, divisions):
    # Calculate the EndSpace and MidSpace
    EndSpace = lr - overlap
    MidSpace = lr - 2 * overlap

    # Initialize an empty list to store coordinates
    coordinates = []

    # First division: (0, 0)
    coordinates.append((0, 0))

    # Calculate coordinates for subsequent divisions
    for i in range(1, divisions - 1):  # Exclude the last division
        y = EndSpace + (i -1) * overlap + (i -1) * MidSpace
        coordinates.append((0, y))

    # Last division: (0, height - lr)
    coordinates.append((0, height - lr))

    return coordinates

因为用到了数学库，所以在第一行要加一句：

import math

完毕。

如何用 Ghostscript 精确截取一页 PDF 中的某一部分并另存为一个 PDF 文件

举一个例子：市政府的地税单，我选择只要它的电子版，就不会收到邮寄的纸质版。电子版是一个只有一页的 PDF 文件。这一页左边的一半才是地税信息，右边的一半是几个分期支付计划的栏目（Schedule）。我现在需要提交纸质地税单给某个机构。我当然可以打印出整页，但是，这肯定是多余的，因为只有左边的一半是地税信息，而且，整页显然不是 Letter、Legal 或者 A4 等标准的纸张尺寸，甚至与各种标准的纸张尺寸差得很远。

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找出 PDF 文件的规格

1. 用 Irfanview 打开 PDF 文件，然后将这一页另存为 JPG 图片。
2. 用 Irfanview 查看这个 JPG 长和宽的 pixel 和 DPI，通过计算器查到，此 PDF 文件正好是两个 Letter 纸张大小并排而成的。

上面是从 PDF 文件找出纸张规格。我还经常用这个方法来找出某些 B 字号的纸张到底是那种规格。比如市政府邮寄出来的纸质地税单并不是 Letter 规格，比 Letter 小很多，大概率是某种 B 字号纸张。还有银行邮寄出来的纸张经常也是某种 B 字号。我要 PDF 电子化它们并保存起来，就必须先找出它们的规格。方法类似：

1. 将纸张按照某个 DPI——常用 300 或者 600——扫描出一张 JPG 图片；
2. 然后用计算器来找出是哪种规格的纸张；
3. 然后按照这种纸张规格来实现纸质文件的 PDF 电子化。

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如何打印出左边的一半

既然左边一半是一个 Letter 大小，那么只需要打印出左边一半到一张 Letter 纸上就可以了，但是如何打印一页 PDF 的左边一半？这种操作我从来遇到过，也没想到会遇上。

最简单的方法，用 Irfanview/GIMP/Photoshop 等图片编辑工具将一页 PDF 另存为 JPG 文件，然后一分为二，再打印左边的一半图片到 Letter 纸张上就可以了。将 PDF 转化成 JPG 再打印，这个过程内容质量会损失不少，不是十分理想。我不喜欢这种方法。

互联网上还有人建议用 macOS 上的 Preview 选择左边的一半，再切割，然后生成一个 PDF 文件，再打印。内容质量基本没损失，但是 Preview 没有精确选择的功能，切割出来的不是完美的一半。

还有更好的方法吗？颇费了一番周折，最后我搜到了这个解决方法。回答问题的人还详细解释了坐标是如何定义的，这是其中的难点。这个方法可以精确截出（crop）一页中的任何部分，然后存成另外一个 PDF 文件。这简直太完美了。用到的工具是我经常用的 Ghostscript。我用它来做很多事，比如去除 PDF 文件的密码、压缩 PDF 文件等。

完美解决一个问题之后的满足感是难以言表的。

Adobe Scan 和 Microsoft Lens 等是很方便的传统纸质文件或图片的电子化工具

用手机来实现传统的纸质文件或图片的电子化，很多年来我用 Microsoft Lens （以下简称 ML ）手机应用程序，它简单好用。昨天我又重新安装了 Adobe Scan （以下简称 AS ），发现它改进很大，比 ML 好很多。

AS 免费版本有哪些优点呢？

1. 存成 PDF 文件的时候自动去掉无用的背景色，完全黑白化处理，最终生成的 PDF 就超级清晰。不知道彩色文件内容它是否也会这么处理，我还没测试过。
2. 可以 cleanup 黑点、黑边缘。黑白化传统纸质文件往往会有一些黑点。另外，无论 ML 还是 AS 这些应用程序拍出来的图片都歪七歪八的，黑白化处理后十分容易出现黑色边缘。cleanup 功能就可以把黑点去掉，将边缘填色。
3. 可以 OCR 文字识别。

这些工具虽然方便，但是比不过扫描仪。扫描仪结合各种软件工具那就更强大了。

这些工具不好的地方在哪里？

1. 生成的 PDF 文件大小不是标准纸张，各种奇奇怪怪的大小。多页 PDF 文件每一页都可能不一样。
2. 生成的 PDF 文件一般都超级大，一页经常 1MB 以上。AS 压缩到足够小的文件后内容质量十分差。
   
3. 生成的 PDF 文件内容歪歪扭扭。
4. OCR 功能不是那么强大。
5. 整个过程几乎无法干预或者后处理。所以难得一见 AS 有 cleanup 或者压缩文件这样的功能。
   

基于以上缺陷，我很少用这些工具。能带回家处理的文件我都带回家用扫描仪和电脑软件来处理。出门在外，不得不用的时候我才用它们。

我之前详细介绍过：在扫描仪的帮助下，我用 Scantailor Advanced 来实现黑白化处理，在这个过程中还用了 Irfanview、GIMP、PDFtk、Ghostscript、Hugin、网上计算器等免费开源软件。OCR 识别我用基于 Linux 操作系统下的 OCRmyPDF。

David Frum 谈 Woodrow Wilson 总统以及引发的辩论

首先声明：我对美国历史了解不透彻，对伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）几乎一无所知，除了依稀记得某处提到是他引入了所得税。

在这位总统去世一百年前后，著名的专栏作家 David Frum 在 The Atlantic 上写了一篇文章，标题是 In Defense of Woodrow Wilson。在 Twitter 上，他的这个主题推下有上千条回复。我从他的这篇文章和大量的回复中学习了不少有趣的历史知识，以及从不同的角度来看一个人。

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首先我们来看看作者背景。David Frum——大卫·杰弗里·弗鲁姆曾经是小布什总统的演讲撰稿人，小布什2002年国情咨文演讲中的著名短语“邪恶轴心”就是来源于他。他是加拿大美国犹太人，曾经担任共和党犹太联盟董事会成员。他是美国著名的政治评论员，目前是《大西洋月刊》的高级编辑以及MSNBC的撰稿人。他的声望极高。

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In Defense of Woodrow Wilson

Despised as a racist by today’s left and a tyrant by today’s right, the 28th president championed a set of values that our politics sorely lack. (伍德罗·威尔逊是美国第二十八任总统，来自民主党，总统任期为期两届，从1913年3月4日到1921年3月4日。威尔逊有哪些政治遗产在当前十分有意义，这也许就是弗鲁姆写这篇文章的原因)

February marks a century since the death of Woodrow Wilson. Of all America’s presidents, none has suffered so rapid and total a reversal of reputation. (威尔逊1856年12月28日出生，1924年2月3日去世)

Wilson championed—and came to symbolize—progressive reform at home and liberal internationalism abroad. So long as those causes commanded wide support, Wilson’s name resonated with the greats of American history. In our time, however, the American left has subordinated the causes of reform and internationalism to the politics of identity, while the American right has rejected reform and internationalism altogether. Wilson’s standing has been crushed in between. (国内进步改革，国际上自由国际主义。这些都是十分伟大的事业。如果得到广泛的支持，那么威尔逊将并肩历史上最杰出的人物。但是，目前美国左派将身份政治凌驾于改革和国际事业之上，右派完全拒绝进步改革和国际主义。威尔逊在两边都不讨好。)

In 1948, and again in 1962, surveys of American historians rated Wilson fourth among American presidents, lagging behind only Abraham Lincoln, George Washington, and Franklin D. Roosevelt. (1948年和1962年的调查结果威尔逊排在亚伯拉罕·林肯、乔治·华盛顿和富兰克林·罗斯福之后，名列第四)

Wilson’s fellow presidents esteemed him too. Harry Truman wrote, “In many ways, Wilson was the greatest of the greats.” Richard Nixon admired Wilson even more extravagantly. He hung Wilson’s portrait in his Cabinet room, and used as his personal desk an antique that he believed—mistakenly, it turns out—had been used by Wilson. (杜鲁门总统说威尔逊是伟人中的伟人；尼克松将威尔逊肖像挂在内阁房间里，办公桌上摆放威尔逊用过的物件)

Arthur S. Link, who edited 69 volumes of Wilson’s papers and wrote five volumes of biography, paid Wilson this tribute: “Aside from St. Paul, Jesus and the great religious prophets, Woodrow Wilson was the most admirable character I’ve ever encountered in history.” (历史学家林克说威尔逊是我遇到过的最令人钦佩的历史人物)

Yet over the past half decade, Wilson’s name has been scrubbed from schools and memorials across the country. Wilson’s own Princeton, which he elevated from mediocrity to greatness in his eight years as university president, has removed his name from its school of public policy and a dormitory. “We have taken this extraordinary step,” the university announced in June 2020, “because we believe that Wilson’s racist thinking and policies make him an inappropriate namesake for a school whose scholars, students, and alumni must be firmly committed to combatting the scourge of racism in all its forms.” (在过去的五年里，因为取消文化，威尔逊的名字已从全国各地的学校和纪念馆中消失。尽管威尔逊将普林斯顿大学从平庸带成顶尖大学，该大学还是决定从公共政策学院和宿舍中删除了他的名字)

These acts of obloquy are endorsed across the spectrum of liberal and progressive opinion. The New York Times editorial board had urged the renaming and damned Wilson as “an unrepentant racist.” In his recent history, American Midnight, the eminent liberal writer Adam Hochschild accuses Wilson of culpability for the unjust imprisonment, illegal abuse, and outright murder of trade unionists and anti-war dissenters. Here at The Atlantic, the historian Timothy Naftali described Wilson as “an awful man who presided over an apartheid system in the nation’s capital.” (自由派和进步派对威尔逊的取消行动和诽谤行动拍手称快)

Unlike other historical figures criticized by American progressives, such as Robert E. Lee and Christopher Columbus, Wilson has found few countervailing defenders among American conservatives. If anything, contemporary conservatives revile Wilson even more than progressives do. (与李将军和哥伦布不一样，美国保守派没人出来捍卫威尔逊，当代保守派对威尔逊的辱骂比进步派还要厉害)

Wilson broke four decades of conservative domination of U.S. politics to lead the most dramatic social-reform program since the 1860s. 

(威尔逊打破了保守派长达四十年的主导，领导了自1860年代以来最引人注目的社会改革计划。在威尔逊之前，从1869年开始，只有短暂的四年是民主党执政)

• William Howard Taft 威廉·霍华德·塔夫特 1909-1913 共和党
• Theodore Roosevelt 西奥多·罗斯福 1901-1909 共和党
• William McKinley 威廉·麦金利 1897-1901 共和党
  
• Grover Cleveland 格罗弗·克利夫兰 1893-1897 民主党
• Chester A. Arthur 切斯特·A·阿瑟 1881-1885 共和党
• James A. Garfield 詹姆斯·A·加菲尔德 1881-1881 共和党
• Rutherford B. Hayes 卢瑟福·B·海斯 1877-1881 共和党
• Ulysses S. Grant 尤利西斯·S·格兰特 1869-1877 共和党

The columnist George Will spices his speeches with a favorite joke about Wilson’s trajectory from the loser in an academic fight at Princeton to the president who “ruined the 20th century.” In his 2007 book, Liberal Fascism, Jonah Goldberg (then an editor at National Review) condemned Wilson as “the twentieth century’s first fascist dictator.” Glenn Beck regularly fulminated against Wilson on his Fox News show in the early 2010s. Beck called Wilson an “evil SOB” and a “dirtbag racist.” He summed up: “I hate this guy. I don’t even want to show his picture.” (保守派对威尔逊的批评十分恶毒。专栏作家乔治·威尔用一个笑话讲述了威尔逊从普林斯顿大学学术斗争中的失败者到“毁了20 世纪”的总统的轨迹。乔纳·戈德堡谴责威尔逊是“二十世纪第一位法西斯独裁者”。格伦·贝克在2010年初的福克斯新闻节目中经常猛烈抨击威尔逊。贝克称威尔逊为“邪恶的混蛋”和“卑劣的种族主义者”。他总结说：“我讨厌这个家伙。我甚至不想展示他的照片。”)

Wilson’s bigotries were very real. As a historian, he made the case that freedmen had too hastily been given the franchise following the Civil War. All his life, he accepted a subordinate status for Black Americans. As a politician, he enforced and extended it. In private, he told demeaning jokes in imitated dialect and delighted in minstrel shows. He was said to have praised D. W. Griffith’s film The Birth of a Nation—originally titled The Clansman—as “like writing history with lightning,” though this at least is almost certainly untrue: Wilson viewed the movie in silence, according to a witness at the time. He may have been annoyed because an inter-title within the movie quoted Wilson’s A History of the American People as seeming to praise the Ku Klux Klan. The relevant section had in fact rebuked the Klan for its lawless violence. But Wilson objected only to the Klan’s means, not its ends. He wholeheartedly endorsed the extinguishing of Reconstruction-era reforms by state legislatures and white-dominated courts.

Anti-Wilson animus has even swayed the conservative jurists of the U.S. Supreme Court. In 2022, the Court delivered a ruling in West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency that dramatically curtailed greenhouse-gas regulations in the United States. To support his concurrence with the decision, Justice Neil Gorsuch devoted a footnote entirely to damning Wilson as an antidemocratic bigot. Wilson was one of the first American scholars to study the emerging administrative state, and conservatives like Gorsuch imagine that if they can discredit him, they can discredit it as well—and doom environmental regulations by association. (对威尔逊的反感甚至影响了美国最高法院的保守派法官。在2022年，法院在《西弗吉尼亚诉环境保护局案》中做出了一项裁决，大幅削减了美国的温室气体监管。尼尔·戈尔苏奇法官在支持该决定时，专门在脚注中谴责威尔逊为一个反民主的偏执者。威尔逊是最早研究新兴行政国家的美国学者之一，而像戈尔苏奇这样的保守派人士认为，如果他们能够贬低威尔逊，就能够一并贬低这种行政体制，并通过关联使环境法规陷入困境。弗鲁姆在推特上把这个脚注的截图贴出来了，并与威尔逊的原文对比，来说明戈尔苏奇断章取义。) 

Wilson’s bigotries were shared by his predecessors and immediate successors in the presidency. In his 1909 inaugural address, William Howard Taft repudiated equal voting rights for Black Americans and justified the exclusion of immigrants from China. Taft’s predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt, enthusiastically promoted the pseudoscience of racial hierarchy that placed white Europeans at the top. The segregation of the federal civil service that Wilson’s administration instituted was maintained by the four presidents who followed him: Warren Harding, Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, and FDR. (从这里开始弗鲁姆开始为威尔逊辩护。首先威尔逊的偏见在他的前任和直接继任总统中是共有的。在1909年的就职演说中，前任总统威廉·霍华德·塔夫特否认了黑人美国人的平等选民权，并为排斥中国移民辩护。塔夫特的前任西奥多·罗斯福狂热地推动了把白种欧洲人置于最高位置的种族等级的伪科学。威尔逊政府实施的联邦公务员的种族隔离政策被接下来的四位总统-三位共和党总统和富兰克林·罗斯福民主党总统维持下来)

My point is not to acquit Wilson of the charges against him, nor to minimize those charges by blaming the times, rather than him. Historical figures are responsible for their beliefs, words, and actions. But if one man is judged the preeminent villain of his era for bigotries that were common among people of his place, time, and rank, that singular fixation demands explanation. Why Wilson rather than Taft or Coolidge?

我的观点并不是为了开释威尔逊，也不是通过归咎于时代而将指责最小化。历史人物对他们的信仰、言论和行为负有责任。但如果一个人因为他的偏见而被认为是他那个时代最超群的恶棍，而这种偏见在他所处的地方、时代和他那种地位的人中是普遍存在的，那么这种单独挑出来“盯着不放”就需要解释。为什么是威尔逊而不是塔夫特或柯立芝？

It is hard to avoid the conclusion that Wilson must be brought low because he stood so high. He is scorned now because of our weakening attachment to what was formerly regarded as good and great.

难以避免的结论是，威尔逊之所以必须被贬低，是因为他曾经站得如此之高。他现在受到蔑视，因为我们对以前被视为美好和伟大的事物的依恋日渐减弱。

Here’s the story that once would have been told about Wilson by the liberal-minded.

After winning the presidential election of 1912, Wilson broke four decades of conservative domination of U.S. politics to lead the most dramatic social-reform program since the 1860s. (1912年赢得总统选举后，威尔逊打破了保守派对美国政坛四十年的主导，领导了自1860年代以来最引人注目的社会改革计划。)

He and his party’s majority in both houses of Congress lowered the tariffs that had loaded the cost of government onto working people. In place of those high tariffs, Wilson and the Democrats enacted an income tax, a first step toward a more redistributive fiscal policy in the United States—and among the gravest of his sins in the eyes of conservative critics. (降低关税，引入所得税来弥补关税。所得税是美国开始再分配的财政政策的第一步)

They also gave the U.S. a central banking system, the Federal Reserve, to counter the deflationary effect of the gold standard, which often favored lenders at the expense of borrowers. They ensured that the Fed would represent the interests of the public, and not be controlled by large private banks, as many Republicans of the day preferred. They introduced the first federal regulation of wages and hours in the United States. Wilson and his congressional majority passed laws against abusive corporate practices and created the Federal Trade Commission to enforce those laws. (建立了一个中央银行体系——美联储，以抵消金本位制的通货紧缩效应。金本位制往往有利于贷方，而损害了借款人的利益。确保美联储代表公众利益，而不是像当时许多共和党人所希望的那样，受到大型私人银行的控制。引入了第一个关于工资和工时的联邦法规。 通过了反对公司滥行的法律，并成立了联邦贸易委员会来执行这些法律。)

Wilson supported women’s suffrage during his presidency. He opposed alcohol prohibition, albeit with less success. He twice vetoed literacy tests for immigrants, which were an early harbinger of the ethnically discriminatory immigration restrictions of the 1920s. He nominated the first Jew to serve on the Supreme Court, Louis Brandeis. (Earlier, as governor of New Jersey, Wilson had also appointed the first Jew to that state’s supreme court.) After the U.S. entered the First World War, Wilson’s administration nationalized the country’s railway system. It simplified the route network, streamlined operations, and improved pay and working conditions in the huge and crucial industry—then rapidly returned the rails to private ownership. (支持妇女选举权。反对禁酒，但是不太成功。两次否决了针对移民的识字测试，这是1920年代种族歧视性移民限制的早期预兆。提名了第一位在最高法院任职的犹太人路易斯·布兰代斯。此前，作为新泽西州州长，威尔逊还任命了该州最高法院的第一位犹太人。美国参加第一次世界大战后，威尔逊政府将铁路系统国有化。它简化了这个庞大而关键行业的路线网络、简化了运营、改善了薪资和工作条件，然后迅速将铁路归还给私人所有。)

Wilson’s most impressive innovations came in the realm of foreign affairs. He granted substantial autonomy to the Philippines, America’s largest colonial possession, and opened a path to full independence. Wilson negotiated payment to Colombia for the loss of Panama in a revolution that had been fomented by Theodore Roosevelt. He resisted military intervention in the Mexican Revolution, and he tried to mediate a negotiated end to World War I. When at last forced into that war, Wilson sought a generous and enduring peace for all of the combatants. He put his hopes in the League of Nations; even if that project largely failed, it paved the way for the more successful forms of collective security created after 1945. Sumner Welles, perhaps FDR’s most trusted foreign-policy adviser, wrote in 1944 that Wilson’s vision of world order had excited his own generation “to the depths of our intellectual and emotional being.” (威尔逊最令人印象深刻的创新是在外交领域。他给予美国最大殖民地菲律宾高度自治，并为其完全独立开辟了道路。威尔逊通过谈判向哥伦比亚支付了西奥多·罗斯福煽动的革命中失去巴拿马的赔偿金。他抵制对墨西哥革命的军事干预，并试图通过谈判结束第一次世界大战。当最终被迫卷入第一次世界大战时，威尔逊为所有参战者寻求慷慨而持久的和平。他把希望寄托在国际联盟身上。即使这个项目基本上失败了，它也为1945年之后创建的更成功的集体安全形式铺平了道路。萨姆纳·威尔斯也许是罗斯福最值得信赖的外交政策顾问，他在1944年写道，威尔逊的世界秩序愿景让他这一代人兴奋不已, 深入到我们智力和情感的深处。)

Even at the zenith of Wilson’s repute, his most sophisticated admirers attached important caveats to their story. Wilson had wanted to stay out of the war in Europe. He failed. He then tried to negotiate peace. He failed again. His commitment to self-determination did not apply to the small countries of this hemisphere: A U.S. intervention he ordered in Haiti in 1914 extended into a 20-year occupation. (即使在威尔逊声望最高的时候，他最理性的崇拜者也对他的故事附加了重要的保留意见。威尔逊曾希望将美国置身于欧洲战争之外，但他失败了。随后，他试图进行和平谈判，但再次失败。他对自治的承诺并不适用于美国所在的这个半球的一些小国：他在1914年下令对海地进行的美国干预演变成了长达20年的占领。)

Wilson’s admirers also could not deny that each of those failures was in great part his own fault. In his earlier academic writings, Wilson had praised compromise and concession. As president, his early concessions to white southerners cost him the support of some northern African Americans who had flipped from the Republican Party to back him in 1912. One of those who endorsed Wilson was W. E. B. Du Bois. The next year, Du Bois lamented his decision in an editorial for The Crisis, the magazine of the NAACP: “Not a single act and not a single word of yours since election has given anyone reason to infer that you have the slightest interest in the colored people or desire to alleviate their intolerable position.” Wilson met with disillusioned Black former supporters once in 1913, then again in 1914. That second meeting ended in a rare eruption of Wilson’s temper. He ordered his visitors out of his office and never received them again. As he settled into the presidency, Wilson became more rigid, more convinced of his own righteousness and his adversaries’ wickedness. (威尔逊的崇拜者也不能否认，每一次失败在很大程度上都是他自己的错。威尔逊在他早期的学术著作中赞扬了妥协和让步。作为总统，他早期对南方白人的让步让他失去了一些美国北部非裔美国人的支持，这些人在1912年从共和党转而支持他。当威尔逊就任总统后，他变得更加坚定，更加相信自己的正义和对手的邪恶。)

Wilson’s offenses multiplied after a disabling stroke in 1919. He clung to office, barely able to move or communicate, his condition concealed by his wife and his doctor. (The Twenty-Fifth Amendment, ratified in 1967, offered a solution to the Wilson problem—a president who cannot do his job but will not resign.) Many of the darkest acts of his administration occurred during this period of feebleness: mass deportations of foreign-born political radicals; passivity in the face of the murderous anti-Black pogroms that flared across America’s big cities; a de facto granting of permission to the most repressive and reactionary tendencies in U.S. society. (在1919年中风后威尔逊的违规行为不断增加。尽管几乎无法移动或交流，他紧抓着职位，他的状况被他的妻子和医生隐瞒起来。（1967年批准的第二十五修正案为解决威尔逊问题提供了一个解决方案）。他执政期间的许多最黑暗的行为发生在这个时期：对外国出生的政治激进分子进行大规模驱逐；在美国大城市爆发的针对黑人的谋杀性暴动面前表现得消极无为；实际上默许了美国社会中最压迫和反动倾向的存在。)

In the era of liberal academic hegemony, historians sought to weigh Wilson’s errors and misdeeds against his administration’s accomplishments, reaching a range of conclusions. But that era has closed. We live now in a more polarized time, one of ideological extremes on both left and right. Learned Hand, a celebrated federal judge of Wilson’s era, praised “the spirit which is not too sure that it is right.” Our contemporaries have exorcised that spirit. We are very sure that we are right. We have little tolerance for anyone who seems in any degree wrong. (在自由派学术霸权的时代，历史学家试图将威尔逊的错误和不当行为与其成就进行权衡来得出一系列结论。但那个时代已经结束了。我们现在生活在一个更加两极分化的时代。在这个时代我们对自己的正确性非常确信，对任何似乎有任何错误的人缺乏容忍。)

In our zeal, we refuse to understand past generations as they understood themselves. We expect them to have organized their mental categories the way we organize ours—and we are greatly disappointed when we discover that they did not. (我们热衷拒绝像过去几代人那样理解他们自己)

Today, we tend to think of economic and racial egalitarianism as closely yoked causes. One hundred years ago, this was far from the case. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many of those Americans most skeptical of corporate power were also the most hostile to racial equality, while those Americans who most adamantly rejected economic reform hoped to mobilize racial minorities as allies. (如今，我们倾向于将经济和种族平等看作紧密相连的原因。然而，一百年前情况截然不同。在19世纪末20世纪初，许多对企业权力最为怀疑的美国人也是最反对种族平等的人，而那些最坚决拒绝经济改革的美国人则希望动员少数种族群体作为盟友。)

The leading proponent of racial segregation in Wilson’s administration was his postmaster general, a Texan named Albert Sidney Burleson. Before 1913, about 4,000 of the Post Office’s more than 200,000 employees were Black. Burleson dismissed Black postmasters across the South. At postal headquarters, in Washington, D.C., he grouped the facility’s seven Black clerks together and screened them off from white employees. Burleson segregated dining rooms and bathrooms too. When the U.S. declared war against Germany, Burleson used his powers to bar dissenting magazines and newspapers from the mail, for most small periodicals their only way to reach their audiences—no hearings, no appeals, just his whim and will. (威尔逊政府中种族隔离的主要支持者是他的邮政局长，一位名叫阿尔伯特·西德尼·伯利森的德克萨斯人。)

From this sorry history, you might infer that Burleson was an all-around reactionary. But no. (从这个遗憾的历史中，你可能会推断伯勒森是一个全方位的反动分子。但事实并非如此。)

Elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1898, Burleson immediately showed himself to be a progressive and a reformer. He fiercely opposed the use of federal injunctions against striking trade unionists. He advocated for lower tariffs and a redistributive income tax. He rejected the gold standard. Burleson and his wife, Adele, were ardent proponents of women’s suffrage in the state of Texas. One of their daughters, Laura, was elected to the Texas legislature in 1928, only the fourth woman to reach that chamber. (1898年当选为美国众议院议员后，伯勒森立即表现出自己是一位进步派和改革家。他强烈反对对罢工的工会成员使用联邦禁令。他主张降低关税和再分配所得税。他拒绝金本位制。伯勒森和他的妻子阿黛尔是德克萨斯州妇女选举权的热心支持者。他们的女儿劳拉 于1928年当选为德克萨斯州立法机构议员，是进入该议院的第四位女性。)

The leading men and women of America’s past were frequently tainted by bigotries that appear repulsive now. Yet if repulsion is all we feel, we do a great injustice to them and to ourselves. (美国过去的杰出人物经常受到现在看来令人反感的偏见所玷污。然而，如果我们所感受到的只是反感，那么我们就对他们和我们自己造成了极大的不公正。)

The seeming contradiction between Burleson the white supremacist and Burleson the social reformer recurred again and again in Wilson’s administration. Wilson’s Navy secretary, Josephus Daniels, was an even more virulent racist than Burleson. As a newspaper editor in Raleigh, Daniels incited the 1898 insurrection that crushed the vestiges of Black political rights in North Carolina. Daniels supported railroad regulation and greater investment in public education. FDR would later appoint him ambassador to Mexico. In that post, Daniels opposed U.S. action to undo the Mexican nationalization of the oil industry and sympathized with the anti-Franco side of the Spanish Civil War. (白人至上主义者伯勒森和社会改革者伯勒森之间看似矛盾的对立在威尔逊政府中一再出现。威尔逊的海军部长约瑟夫斯·丹尼尔斯是一个比伯利森更加狂热的种族主义者。作为美国罗利市的一名报纸编辑，丹尼尔斯煽动了1898年的叛乱，粉碎了北卡罗来纳州黑人政治权利的残余。但是丹尼尔斯支持铁路监管和加大对公共教育的投资。罗斯福后来任命他为驻墨西哥大使。在这个职位上，丹尼尔斯反对美国采取行动来取消墨西哥石油工业国有化，并同情西班牙内战中的反佛朗哥的一方。)

The disconnect between race and reform operated in reverse, too. Wilson’s most effective and hated political rival was Henry Cabot Lodge, the leader of the Senate Republicans after 1918. Lodge was in most respects deeply conservative: a champion of corporate prerogatives, the gold standard, and high tariffs. Lodge, an enthusiastic imperialist, had called for the annexation of the Philippines and Puerto Rico. Lodge despised and distrusted the new immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe. When 11 Italian immigrants were lynched in New Orleans in 1891, he published an article justifying and excusing the crime. Yet Lodge was also the author and lead sponsor of an important 1890 House bill to protect Black voting rights in the South, the last such effort in Congress until the modern civil-rights era. (种族与改革之间的脱节也是背向而行的。威尔逊最有效且最令人讨厌的政治对手是1918年之后的参议院共和党领袖亨利·卡伯特·洛奇。洛奇在大多数方面都非常保守：他是企业特权、金本位和高关税的拥护者。洛奇是一位狂热的帝国主义者，他曾呼吁吞并菲律宾和波多黎各。洛奇鄙视和不信任来自东欧和南欧的新移民。1891年，当11名意大利移民在新奥尔良被私刑处决时，他发表了一篇文章为这一罪行辩护并开脱。然而，洛奇还是1890年众议院一项重要法案的起草者和主要发起人，该法案旨在保护南方黑人的投票权，这是现代民权时代之前国会的最后一项此类努力。)

In the time of Woodrow Wilson, issues and ideas were clustered very differently from today. Champions of Black political rights could display bitter animosity toward Catholic immigrants. Many exponents of women’s suffrage also held racist views. Some defenders of labor rights also supported bans on teaching evolution. Heroes of free academic inquiry were fascinated by the project of eugenics. Early advocates of sexual autonomy were attracted to fascism or communism or—as George Bernard Shaw was—both. (在伍德罗·威尔逊时代，问题和想法的分类与今天有很大不同。黑人政治权利的捍卫者可能会对天主教移民表现出强烈的敌意。许多女性选举权的倡导者也持有种族主义观点。一些劳工权利捍卫者也支持禁止教学进化论。自由学术探究的英雄们对优生学项目着迷。性自主权的早期倡导者被法西斯主义或共产主义所吸引，或者像萧伯纳一样，两者兼而有之。)

What are you to do with this information once you have it? The leading men and women of America’s past were frequently tainted by bigotries and misjudgments that appear repulsive now. Yet if repulsion is all we feel, we do a great injustice both to them and to ourselves. The good and great country that you inhabit today was inherited from imperfect leaders such as Wilson, as uncomfortable as that may make some on the left. And the gradual progress that the U.S. has made since 1787 has all depended on the respect Wilson and other leaders had for the original plan, as much as some on the right insist that they betrayed it. Demand that Americans preserve their collective past unchanged, and you doom the whole structure to decay and ultimate collapse. Teach Americans to despise their collective past, and their future will hold only a struggle for power, pitting group against group, without rules or restraints. (这一段才是作者在这篇文章要宣扬的一个主要观点)

“It would be the irony of fate if my administration had to deal chiefly with foreign affairs.” Woodrow Wilson spoke those famous words to a friend shortly before his inauguration. That irony of fate of course came true. (“如果我的政府不得不主要处理外交事务，那将是命运的讽刺。” 伍德罗·威尔逊在就职前不久向一位朋友说了这句名言。 命运的讽刺当然成真了。)

Wilson is one of the very few presidents to have bequeathed an ism. There is no Washingtonism, there is no Lincolnism, there is no Rooseveltism, but there is “Wilsonianism.” Wilsonianism is almost universally regarded in a negative light—as, at worst, bad and dangerous or, at best, sweetly naive but sadly unrealistic. (威尔逊是极少数留下了“主义”的总统之一。没有华盛顿主义，没有林肯主义，没有罗斯福主义，但有“威尔逊主义”。威尔逊主义几乎普遍被认为是负面的——在最坏的情况下，它是坏的和危险的，或者在最好的情况下，是天真可爱但可悲的是不现实的。)

But Wilson was far from naive. He grew up in the ruined landscape of the post–Civil War South. His prepresidential writing often cautioned against too much confidence in human beings and too much certainty about human institutions. (但威尔逊一点也不天真。他在内战后南方的废墟中长大。他在成为总统之前的著作中经常告诫人们不要对人类过于自信，对人类制度过于确定。)

In his message to Congress on April 2, 1917, when he called for a declaration of war, Wilson insisted that “the world must be made safe for democracy.” Modern-day Americans commonly interpret those words as a vow to convert the whole world to democracy. What Wilson meant, however, was that the nation could no longer hope to find security in the “detached and distant situation” of its geographic location, as Washington described it in his farewell address. The United States had grown too big; distances of time and space had narrowed too much for it to be unaffected by the actions of once-remote countries. The menace to “peace and freedom,” Wilson saw, “lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people.” Not all nations would or could be democratic, but from then on, American peace and freedom would be safeguarded not by geography but by “a partnership of democratic nations.” (1917年4月2日，威尔逊在致国会的致辞中呼吁宣战，他坚称“必须确保世界对于民主来说是安全的”。现代美国人通常将这些话解读为将全世界转变为民主的誓言。然而，威尔逊的意思是，正如华盛顿在告别演说中所描述的那样，这个国家不能再希望在其地理位置“孤立而遥远的情况”中找到安全。美国已经变得太大了；时间和空间的距离已经缩小太多，以至于它无法不再受到曾经相隔遥远的国家的行动的影响。威尔逊认为，对“和平与自由”的威胁在于“存在由有组织的武力支持的专制政府，这些政府完全由他们的意志而非人民的意志控制。”并非所有国家都会或能够实现民主，但从那时起，美国的和平与自由将不再由地理位置而是由“民主国家的伙伴关系”来维护。)

Recoiling from Wilson’s vision of mutual international benefit, many of his present-day critics yearn for a foreign policy that relies on dominating a small number of client states and ignoring the rest of the world from behind border walls and trade protections. (当今的许多威尔逊批评者对威尔逊的国际互利愿景感到畏惧，他们渴望一种依赖于控制少数附庸国并在边境墙和贸易保护背后忽视世界其他国家的外交政策。)

People who take this view call themselves “America First,” perhaps unaware that Wilson himself seized the phrase as a campaign slogan in 1916 to condemn both the ethnic lobbies he regarded as too pro-German and the industrial and financial interests he mistrusted as too pro-Allies. In the 1930s and early ’40s, the slogan was appropriated by the isolationists and Axis sympathizers of the America First Committee. The outrage of Pearl Harbor and the horror of Auschwitz then discredited “America First” for a long time—but not forever. (持这种观点的人自称为“美国优先”，也许他们没有意识到，威尔逊自己在1916年将这个短语用作竞选口号，以谴责他认为过于亲德的民族游说团体和他不信任的过于亲盟军的工业和金融利益。在1930年代和40年代初，“美国优先”的口号被孤立主义者和美国优先委员会的轴心国同情者所拿来使用。然后，珍珠港事件的愤怒和奥斯威辛集中营的恐怖让“美国优先”长时间失去了信誉，但并非永远如此。)

Now, in the 21st century, we see the strange sight of political partisans using Wilson’s own “America First” phrase to attack Wilson’s highest ideals. In February 2023, one of the harshest critics of U.S. support for democratic Ukraine spoke at the Heritage Foundation. At the core of Senator Josh Hawley’s remarks was an attack on Wilson: (现在，在21世纪，我们看到政治党派利用威尔逊自己的“美国优先”短语来攻击威尔逊的最高理想的奇怪景象。2023年2月，对美国支持民主乌克兰最严厉的批评者之一在传统基金会发表讲话。参议员乔什·霍利言论的核心是对威尔逊的攻击：)

Woodrow Wilson, as you may remember, was a dedicated internationalist. He was a dedicated globalist on principle, by the way. I mean, he thought that “we should make the world safe for democracy.” That was his line that he famously used. And I think what you saw is after the Cold War, you had a whole generation of American policy makers who said the Wilsonian moment has now arrived. Borders don’t matter. American uniqueness doesn’t matter. We’re going to make all of the world more like America and we’re going to make America more like the world and there’ll be this great global integration.

Wilson believed almost none of those things. What Wilson did believe was that American security had become inseparable from the security of others, and that American power would be accepted only if guided by universal values. Wilson argued this case most explicitly in a January 1918 address to Congress. The speech is famous for the 14 points he enumerated as U.S. war aims. But more important than any specific aim was the logic undergirding them all:

What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us.

Wilson was the first world leader to perceive security as a benefit that could be shared by like-minded nations. Until then, each great power had clambered over others to field bigger armies, float bigger navies, and accumulate more colonies. This competition had culminated in the disastrous outbreak of the Great War. Wilson glimpsed the possibility of a different way: that shared values might provide a more stable basis for peace among advanced nations than the quest for military dominance.

Only the U.S. possessed the wealth and power to make the vision work. Tragically, neither the U.S. nor the world was ready for this vision in Wilson’s lifetime. The president himself lacked the skill, expertise, and tact to realize it. But the vision lay dormant, waiting for a future chance.

I am not personally a thorough admirer of Wilson’s. A famous quip attributed to Winston Churchill (about another political moralist) might have applied to Wilson’s austere personality: “He has all the virtues I dislike and none of the vices I admire.” An evening with Theodore Roosevelt would have been fun, but most of us would have wished to bid an early good night to Wilson—especially once he’d revealed that his favorite form of humor was mildly smutty limericks.

Wilson’s bigotry was as chilly as his wit. He started his teaching career at Bryn Mawr. One of his associates there, the daughter of an abolitionist minister, remarked to an early biographer that Wilson was the first southern white man she’d ever met with no personal warmth for any individual Black person.

Wilson’s tariff, banking, and regulatory reforms were driven more by a quest for rationality and efficiency than by empathy and compassion. The British Liberal governments that held power from 1905 to the outbreak of World War I introduced that country’s first old-age pensions and unemployment insurance. In the United States, broad programs of social insurance would have to await the New Deal of the 1930s.

As a war leader, Wilson deferred absolutely to professional soldiers’ advice, even though those soldiers had learned their trade in small wars against weak enemies. That approach cost many American lives when the top U.S. military commander, John Pershing, rebuffed British and French efforts to teach American troops the painful lessons they had learned from prior years of Western Front experience. Americans went into battle in 1918 still using the human-wave tactics that had cost the British and French so dearly.

Wilson’s gravest failures were in his chosen mission as a peacemaker. As the former U.S. diplomat Philip Zelikow details in his damning book The Road Less Traveled, Wilson personally bungled a real opportunity to reach peace in the second half of 1916. All of the principal combatants yearned for such a peace, but none dared be the first to ask for it. All were looking for the U.S. to lead, as it had led the peace negotiations after the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–05. Wilson fatally hesitated to apply such leadership, nor did he delegate the task to anybody who might have succeeded.

When the war instead ended with the German collapse in 1918, Wilson never grasped or even paid much attention to the problems of postwar economic recovery, domestic or international. He was a man of ideas and ideals, not one of ledgers and accounts; of words, not numbers. The United States plunged into a severe economic depression in 1920. War-scarred and hungry Europe suffered even more. Voters emphatically rejected Wilson’s party in the 1920 elections.

Wilson was the first American president to perceive and explain how American power could anchor the peace of a future democratic world. (威尔逊是第一位认识到并解释了美国力量如何能够确保未来民主世界和平的美国总统。)

The Republican congressional majorities of the 1920s returned to the high-tariff policies of the 19th century, dooming any hope that Germany, Britain, France, Belgium, Italy, and other former combatants might export their way to economic normality. Instead, the United States insisted on collecting war debts from former allies. To repay the U.S., the former allies were left no choice but to squeeze Germany for reparations. To finance reparations, Germany massively borrowed from U.S. private-sector lenders. This cycle of tariff-driven debt helped set in motion the catastrophe of the Great Depression.

The post-Wilson Democrats bitterly split along regional and cultural lines. It took them 103 ballots to nominate a presidential candidate at their convention in New York City in 1924. The Republicans would win that year’s election decisively, and 1928’s too, by running against Wilson’s war and the depression that followed. Only after another war, even more terrible than the one that came before it, was Wilson’s foreign-policy legacy at last rehabilitated. As Americans and their allies developed institutions of collective security, free trade, and global governance after 1945, Wilson’s best ideals were realized at last.

This is the Wilson who remains to this day the founder and definer of American world leadership. Henry Kissinger, who despised Wilson and (I suspect) inwardly hoped to displace his intellectual primacy, ultimately had to admit in his 1994 book, Diplomacy : “It is above all to the drumbeat of Wilsonian idealism that American foreign policy has marched since his watershed presidency, and continues to march to this day.” I very much believe that the United States has been a force for good in the world in the 20th and 21st centuries. If you do also, then our appreciation must begin with the foundational achievement of the president who first exerted that force. (这就是威尔逊，他至今仍然是美国世界领导地位的奠基人和定义者。亨利·基辛格对威尔逊深感厌恶，而且（我怀疑）他内心可能希望取代威尔逊在智力上的卓越地位，但最终不得不在他1994年的著作《外交》中承认：“尤其是在威尔逊总统的分水岭时期以来，美国外交政策一直以威尔逊主义的理想为基调，而且继续沿着这个方向前进。” 我非常相信在20世纪和21世纪，美国在世界上一直是积极的力量。如果你也这样认为，那么我们对这位首次施加这种力量的总统的基础成就的赞赏必须从这里开始。)

You do not need to withhold any single criticism of Woodrow Wilson, the man and the president, to regret the harm done by the unbalanced and totalizing censure that has been heaped upon him over the past decade. Wilson was a great domestic reformer. He was the first American president to perceive and explain how American power could anchor the peace of a future democratic world.

His ideas and ideals still undergird American foreign policy at its most generous and successful. His words still reverberate more than a century later, long after those of his contemporary critics have lapsed into obscurity. When the United States rallies to the defense of Ukraine against Russian invasion or of Guyana against Venezuelan threats, when it seeks peace through free-trade agreements and joins with allies to deter aggression, it is speaking in the language originally chosen by Woodrow Wilson.

So how should we comprehend the people of bygone times when their principles and prejudices diverge from those that now prevail? In a speech delivered in 1896, Wilson declared:

Nothing is easier than to falsify the past. Lifeless instruction will do it. If you rob it of vitality, stiffen it with pedantry, sophisticate it with argument, chill it with unsympathetic comment, you render it as dead as any academic exercise … Your real and proper object, after all, is not to expound, but to realize it, consort with it, and make your spirit kin with it, so that you may never shake the sense of obligation off.

Modern America owes just such an obligation to Wilson. He showed the way to the modern world. He did not reach his hoped-for destination, but neither yet have we. Cancel Wilson, and you empower those who seek to discredit the high goals for which he worked. Those are goals still worth working toward. To realize them, supporters of American global leadership cannot dispense with the practical and moral legacy of Woodrow Wilson.

Acknowledge his flaws and failures. Then restore Wilson’s name to the places of honor from which it was hastily and wrongly purged.

以上文章在此只作我个人学习之用。

+++++

Twitter 上的回复摘录。不得不说回复中提到的一些点弗鲁姆在他的文章中都覆盖了。

I mean he resegregated the government, he was a eugenicist, he threw people in jail for exercising their first amendment rights, but other than that and a few other evil missteps, he was a swell guy.

我的意思是，他重新对政府实行了种族隔离，他是一位优生学家，他把人们关进监狱，因为他们行使了他们的第一修正案权利，但除此之外和其他一些邪恶的失误，他还是个不错的人。

I argue we cancel him harder.

我认为我们应更彻底地取消他。

Just finished doing my taxes. As always, I throw a dart into my Woodrow Wilson dartboard.

刚刚完成了报税。和往常一样，我将飞镖扔到我的伍德罗·威尔逊肖像的飞镖板上。

Woodrow Wilson was an incredibly racist person. You state how should we reflect on men and women of the past who held contemptible views? Well, that’s easy, be honest about who they were and not attempt to rewrite history. There were many white Americans at the time who were not racist, many who actually fought to end discrimination, Wilson sought to uphold it. Under his administration he segregated federal offices, held views that were sympathetic to white supremacy, and was a proponent of Jim Crow laws.

伍德罗·威尔逊是一个极端的种族主义者。你提到我们如何反思过去持可鄙观点的人，这很简单，要诚实地看待他们是谁，而不是试图篡改历史。当时有很多白人美国人并不持种族歧视观点，许多人实际上为结束歧视而奋斗，而威尔逊却试图维护它。在他的领导下，联邦办公室实施了种族隔离，他持有对白人至上主义有同情心的观点，并支持吉姆·克劳法。

This is insanity. Wilson was a repulsive human being and the most destructive president in the history of our country. If anything, Wilson deserves to be re-cancelled every day until the end of time.

这太疯狂了。威尔逊是一个令人厌恶的人，是我们国家历史上最具破坏性的总统。如果有什么理由，威尔逊应该每天都被重新取消，直到时间的尽头。

My grandfather, a decorated WWII hero, was named for Woodrow Wilson.  I teach college-level history for three institutions (though untenured) and I look forward to reading your article, David.  Wilson was a progressive in most respects and this is overshadowed by his foibles.

我祖父是一位二战勋章英雄，他的名字是为了纪念伍德罗·威尔逊而取的。我在三所大学教授历史课程（尽管没有终身职位），我期待阅读你的文章，David。威尔逊在大多数方面都是一位进步主义者，但这被他的缺点所掩盖。

The first movie ever shown at the White House was Brith of a Nation. You know that, right?

在白宫放映的第一部电影是《一个国家的诞生》。你知道，对吧？